A government\u2019s obligation to protect its citizens is one of its fundamental responsibilities and a source of its political legitimacy.[1]<\/a> In order for this general duty to be discharged meaningfully in today\u2019s \u201cincreasingly complex and dangerous threat environment,\u201d[2]<\/a> it is essential that government agencies share relevant information in a timely manner. Failure to do so brings disastrous consequences\u2014this was the lesson of 9\/11.[3]<\/a> As the Auditor General notes, the importance of timely and accurate security intelligence \u201ccannot be overstated\u201d.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n Canada\u2019s national security policy recognizes the importance of the best possible intelligence for the design, maintenance, and operation of security programs:<\/p>\n Intelligence is the foundation of our ability to take effective measures to provide for the security of Canada and Canadians. To manage risk effectively, we need the best possible information about threats we face and about the intentions, capabilities and activities of those who would do us harm.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n The government also recognizes the need for co-operation and collaboration across jurisdictional boundaries. Indeed, following 9\/11, the federal government was aware of information \u201cstovepipes\u201d among federal agencies and other levels of government that could prevent timely recognition of threats and hinder the effectiveness of responses.[6]<\/a> As early as 2004, the Office of the Auditor General recognized that \u201cco-operation and integration are important tools,\u201d and that government appeared to be \u201cmoving in the right direction\u201d by making \u201cefforts to more closely co-ordinate the collection of intelligence information and to encourage the exchange of information among analysts.\u201d[7]<\/a> Unfortunately, there exist deficiencies and redundancies in how intelligence is managed across the government, attributable in large part to a lack of intergovernmental coordination.[8]<\/a> Indeed, government actors from various jurisdictions continue to report that the inadequate dissemination of relevant information hinders their ability to appreciate and respond to security threats. Recent events, such as the 22 October 2014 shooting on Parliament Hill, have further highlighted the importance of information sharing among provincial and federal governments generally.[9]<\/a><\/p>\n This article examines the constitutional, statutory, and practical constraints that influence the flow of security information in Canada. Four key findings flow from our analysis. First, despite the ostensibly sharp division of powers set out in the Constitution Act<\/em>, 1867<\/em>,[10]<\/a> the judicial interpretation of these powers and the accompanying constitutional principles are compatible with the fulsome and timely sharing of security information across jurisdictions. Second, contrary to a popular sentiment held by state agencies,[11]<\/a> there are no significant legislative boundaries or privacy concerns impeding such exchanges. In fact, many pieces of legislation, including the federal Privacy Act<\/em>,[12]<\/a> support the practice. The true impediments to information sharing lie in a set of nebulous institutional cultural barriers between agencies which, ultimately, share the same goals. Accordingly, we argue that government has a fundamental moral obligation to share security information across jurisdictions.<\/p>\n Canada does not have the advantage of being a unitary government, in which one agency (or a set of agencies) is responsible for all aspects of maintaining the country\u2019s security. This fundamental responsibility is shared between the federal and provincial legislatures. This Part considers the constitutional framework within which government agencies share information relevant to security threats, paying particular attention to the relevant heads of power and the principle of co-operative federalism. Ultimately, we conclude that the federal framework supports, rather than hinders, interjurisdictional information sharing.<\/p>\n The \u201crules of federalism\u201d that allocate legislative powers between the federal and provincial governments are established in sections 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867<\/em>.[13]<\/a> The principle of federalism, in turn, recognizes the autonomy of the provinces, while providing the central government with exclusive jurisdiction over matters in which the provinces have a common interest.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n It is well established that \u201cnational security\u201d is predominantly a federal responsibility, flowing from either the residual \u201cPeace, Order, and good Government\u201d power under section 91 or the defence power under subsection 91(7).[15]<\/a> Also relevant is Parliament\u2019s plenary jurisdiction to pass laws in relation to criminal law and criminal procedure under subsection 91(27).<\/p>\n Pursuant to these powers, the federal government has established a security intelligence agency under the Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act<\/em>,[16]<\/a> and crafted a national security policy, Securing an Open Society<\/em>, which identifies and addresses a number of \u201ccore national security interests.\u201d[17]<\/a> Under the Security Offences Act<\/em>, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) has the primary responsibility to investigate, prevent, and prosecute criminal activities relating to national security.[18]<\/a><\/p>\n The term \u201cnational security\u201d, describes the sphere of activity in which the federal government has an overarching interest. The term has proven, however, to be somewhat nebulous, particularly because descriptions of \u201cnational security\u201d in legislation and policy provide little direction as to its content. One commentator writes, \u201c[T]he descriptions do little to define exactly when threats of the sort listed in the definitions constitute national security concerns. For example, when is a threat to the physical safety of Canadians a legitimate \u2018national security\u2019 concern rather than a regular policing matter?\u201d[19]<\/a><\/p>\n The corresponding provincial head of power is subsection 92(14), which assigns authority over \u201c[t]he Administration of Justice in the Province.\u201d[20]<\/a> The scope of subsection 92(14) has been interpreted very broadly, encompassing a variety of responsibilities relevant to public order and security. The most relevant provincial responsibility is the power to police, investigate, and prosecute offences under the Criminal Code<\/em>.[21]<\/a><\/p>\n Justice Dickson, concurring with the majority in Di Iorio v. Warden of the Montreal Jail<\/em>[22]<\/a> (Di Iorio<\/em>), explained provincial responsibilities as follows:<\/p>\n Since Confederation, the provincial departments of the Attorney General have in practice \u201cadministered justice\u201d in the broadest sense, at great expense to the taxpayers, and irrespective of whether the laws being administered fell legislatively within the purview of provincial legislatures or the federal Parliament. This is reflected in the provision of police services and other enforcement agencies responsible to the provincial Attorneys General for the investigation, detection and control of crime within the respective provinces and in the maintenance of staffs for the prosecution of all types of infractions whether within the purview of provincial legislatures or the federal Parliament.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n Justice Beetz, also writing in Di Iorio<\/em>, explained the historical basis for provincial authority:<\/p>\n Before Confederation, the provinces were in charge of the administration of justice, including criminal justice. It was contemplated by s. 91(27) of the British North America Act<\/em>, 1867<\/em>, that criminal law, substantive and procedural, would come under the exclusive legislative authority of the Parliament of Canada. But subject to this provision and to the paramountcy of federal law enacted under primary or ancillary federal jurisdiction, the provinces were to remain responsible in principle for the enforcement of criminal law and to retain such power as they had before with respect to the administration of criminal justice. They continued in fact to police their respective territories, to investigate crime, to gather and to keep records and informations relating to crime, to prosecute criminals and to supervise police forces, sheriffs, coroners, fire commissioners, officers of justice, the summoning of juries, recognizances in criminal cases, and the like.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n Since Di Iorio<\/em>, the power to administer justice \u201cin the broadest sense\u201d has been interpreted to allow provinces to hold inquiries into specific criminal activities,[25]<\/a> to suppress crime related to matters of provincial competence,[26]<\/a> and to discipline the provincial and municipal police.[27]<\/a> Thus, despite the federal government\u2019s jurisdiction over criminal law and criminal procedure, the provinces bear the primary responsibility for local criminal law investigation and enforcement, or as some commentators have put it, \u201clocal public order and morality.\u201d[28]<\/a><\/p>\n Of course, the local responsibility to maintain public order is also discharged by municipal governments exercising authority delegated to them under provincial legislation. New Brunswick\u2019s Police Act<\/em>, for example, provides that every municipality is responsible for providing and maintaining adequate police services within its boundaries, and invests a chief of police with all powers necessary to do so.[29]<\/a><\/p>\n These broad spheres of provincial and federal jurisdiction inevitably overlap. The existence of overlap has prompted cooperative arrangements between federal and provincial agencies, rather than narrow, legalistic boundary drawing. As stated in the 1940 Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations<\/em>, \u201cThe different aspects of life in a society are not insulated from one another in such a way as to make possible a mechanical application of the division of powers. There is nothing in human affairs which corresponds to the neat logical divisions found in the constitution.\u201d[30]<\/a> Governmental responsibility for public safety and public order is no exception.<\/p>\n The division of powers accommodates these instances of overlap with particular arrangements between federal and provincial agencies, which draw their authority from a combination of valid federal and provincial statutes. An example of such intergovernmental arrangements is the formation of policing contracts between the RCMP and the provinces. These contracts are authorized, on the one hand, by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act<\/em>,[31]<\/a> and on the other, by companion provisions in provincial police legislation.[32]<\/a><\/p>\n Provincial institutions have a defined and legitimate interest in the maintenance of public order and security, in particular with respect to criminal law. Inevitably, intelligence in the possession of federal institutions will be very relevant to fulfilling this provincial role.<\/p>\n In our view, there are compelling reasons for sharing national security information across federal and provincial agencies to the fullest extent possible, within the boundaries set by their governing legislation. Indeed, as we go on to show below, the meaningful discharge of both federal and provincial constitutional responsibilities likely requires inter-agency information sharing.[33]<\/a><\/p>\n In recent years, the Supreme Court of Canada has given new life to the principle of \u201cco-operative federalism\u201d. The Court has held that co-operative federalism is a \u201clegal principle that has been invoked to provide flexibility in separation of powers doctrines, … used to facilitate interlocking federal and provincial legislative schemes and to avoid unnecessary constraints on provincial legislative action.\u201d[34]<\/a> It is one of the recognized constitutional principles that \u201cinfuse the analysis and interpretation of the division of powers,\u201d[35]<\/a> and as such helps to delineate the \u201cspheres of jurisdiction, the scope of rights and obligations, and the role of our political institutions.\u201d[36]<\/a><\/p>\n In Canadian Western Bank v. Alberta<\/em>, the Court held that the constitution \u201cserves as a framework for life and for political action within a federal state, in which the courts have rightly observed the importance of co-operation among government actors to ensure that federalism operates flexibly.\u201d[37]<\/a> Underlying the principle of co-operative federalism is the idea that the Canadian federal state is a collaborative enterprise requiring co-operative and flexible arrangements between levels of government, a notion that tends to inform the Supreme Court\u2019s analysis of division of powers questions. For instance, when applied to the doctrine of interjurisdictional immunity, the principle of co-operative federalism has been used as a justification to relax a strict \u201cwatertight compartments\u201d view of the division of powers, where doing so would avoid imposing unnecessary constraints on the legislative powers of one level of government.[38]<\/a><\/p>\n The principle of co-operative federalism was considered in 2015 in Quebec (Attorney General) v. Canada (Attorney General)<\/em>,[39]<\/a> where Quebec challenged section 29 of the Act to amend the Criminal Code and the Firearms Act<\/em>,[40]<\/a> an aspect of federal legislation that ordered the dismantling of the federal long-gun registry. Quebec argued that the principle of co-operative federalism prevented the federal government from acting or legislating in a way that would hinder ongoing co-operative arrangements between governments, especially in areas of concurrent jurisdiction. The majority of the Supreme Court disagreed, finding that \u201c[n]either th[e] Court\u2019s jurisprudence nor the text of the Constitution Act, 1867<\/em> supports using that principle to limit the scope of legislative authority or to impose a positive obligation to facilitate cooperation where the constitutional division of powers authorizes unilateral action.\u201d[41]<\/a> There is no question, however, that the principle applies to situations involving overlapping federal and provincial jurisdictions. As demonstrated in the division of powers analysis above, governmental responsibility for public safety and order is one such overlapping jurisdiction. It follows, therefore, that the principle supports ongoing cooperation between federal and provincial governments in matters of national security.<\/p>\n Co-operation between the federal and provincial governments in the administration of justice has occurred with great success in areas relevant to our present concern. Of particular note is the provinces\u2019 use of RCMP officers through an arrangement whereby the federal government confers on provincial officials the power and responsibility to apply federal laws[42]<\/a>\u2014what Professor Lederman calls the \u201cadministrative type of inter-governmental delegation.\u201d[43]<\/a> Such arrangements, through which eight of the ten provinces employ the RCMP to enforce both provincial and federal laws, point to one instance of delegation that \u201chas brought valuable and indispensable elements of flexibility to our federal system.\u201d[44]<\/a> This type of flexibility is increasingly needed as the nature and complexity of security threats change and expand beyond borders.<\/p>\n Our analysis shows that Canada\u2019s constitutional framework and constitutional doctrine do not impose significant impediments on, but rather support information sharing.<\/p>\n Both the provincial and federal levels of government have equally well-established constitutional interests in maintaining public safety and security, in support of government\u2019s larger, more general obligation to protect its citizens. Moreover, because of the vital importance of information in the apprehension, prevention, and response to security threats, the meaningful discharge of both federal and provincial interests may require timely and comprehensive information sharing. Events such as the Air India bombing and 9\/11 provide painful reminders of the consequences that may follow from the inadequate dissemination of intelligence.<\/p>\n Similarly, the doctrine of co-operative federalism supports enhanced collaboration between different levels of government and government agencies. Such collaboration, in matters of security, includes meaningful and timely information sharing, especially in light of the dangers of withholding critical intelligence.<\/p>\n We now examine impediments to information sharing across government agencies. It should be noted that the analysis below proceeds on the assumption that the persons receiving and using the information through inter-agency disclosure are persons with the appropriate security clearance.<\/p>\n Following 9\/11, a series of reforms increased legislative protection for information that could be injurious to national security. For example, section 38 of the Canada Evidence Act<\/em> was amended to include a scheme to limit the disclosure of broadly defined \u201csensitive\u201d or \u201cpotentially injurious\u201d information.[45]<\/a> Similarly, under the security certificate process set out in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act<\/em>, a judge can prohibit the disclosure of evidence in deportation proceedings if that evidence is deemed \u201cinjurious to national security.\u201d[46]<\/a> Finally, the federal Privacy Act<\/em> allows for the denial of access to information where the information requested was obtained in the course of an investigation into \u201cthreats to the security of Canada,\u201d[47]<\/a> defined in the Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act<\/em> (CSIS Act<\/em>).[48]<\/a><\/p>\n These statutes work to limit the public disclosure of information where that information is relevant to national security concerns. We must, however, avoid conflating limits on public disclosure with limits on intergovernmental information sharing. A review of these statutes demonstrates that necessary limits on public disclosure do not include limits on intergovernmental disclosure of information.<\/p>\n Two statutes expressly require collaboration and information sharing in the context of public safety. The first is the Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Act <\/em>(DPSEPA<\/em>),[49]<\/a> which establishes a Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness, and outlines the various functions of that minister:<\/p>\n 6(1) In exercising his or her powers and in performing his or her duties and functions and with due regard to the powers conferred on the provinces and territories<\/em>, the Minister may<\/p>\n (a)\u00a0\u00a0 initiate, recommend, coordinate, implement or promote<\/em> policies, programs or projects relating to public safety and emergency preparedness;<\/p>\n (b)\u00a0\u00a0 cooperate<\/em> with any province<\/em>, foreign state, international organization or any other entity;<\/p>\n (c)\u00a0\u00a0 make grants or contributions; and<\/p>\n (d)\u00a0\u00a0 facilitate the sharing of information<\/em>, where authorized, to promote public safety objectives.[50]<\/a><\/p>\n We make several observations about subsection 6(1).<\/p>\n First, the minister, in carrying out his or her duties, is to have \u201cdue regard\u201d to the powers of the provinces and territories. That is, the minister is to be cognizant of the content of the roles assigned to the minister\u2019s provincial and territorial counterparts. Second, the minister has the express discretion to co-operate with any province, consistent with the spirit of co-operative federalism outlined above. Third, the provision contemplates that the minister will take active steps to facilitate information sharing, where such sharing is authorized. The language of \u201cfacilitation\u201d is important, as it both recognizes the value of information sharing as something to be fostered and suggests that the federal minister has a responsibility to encourage such practices. While this section of the DPSEPA<\/em> stands as a strong example of federal legislation that both recognizes the value of and encourages collaboration and information sharing across and within levels of government, this provision appears to have received no judicial consideration to date.<\/p>\n The second example of legislated intergovernmental co-operation and discretion to facilitate information sharing is found in the Emergency Management Act<\/em>.[51]<\/a> Under this statute, the minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness \u201cis responsible for exercising leadership relating to emergency management in Canada by coordinating, among government institutions and in cooperation with the provinces and other entities, emergency management activities.\u201d[52]<\/a> This co-operative mandate is further developed in the section outlining the minister\u2019s responsibilities, which include \u201cfacilitating the authorized sharing of information in order to enhance emergency management.\u201d[53]<\/a> Similarly, this provision has not attracted any judicial consideration thus far.<\/p>\n The above provisions of both the DPSEPA<\/em> and the Emergency Management Act<\/em> provide evidence of the parliamentary intent to encourage information sharing in the context of public safety, and, importantly, invest the federal government with the responsibility to actively promote the exchange of information. The lack of judicial consideration of these provisions, although curious, allows for the possibility of such active information sharing.<\/p>\n The picture surrounding information disclosure becomes more complex when statutes deal expressly with individual privacy rights, which are both well-established and closely guarded by Canadian common law.[54]<\/a><\/p>\n As Justice La Forest noted in R. v. Dyment<\/em>, the recognition and protection of information privacy is set out in the Privacy Act<\/em>,[55]<\/a> federal legislation that the Supreme Court describes as \u201ca reminder of the extent to which the protection of privacy is necessary to the preservation of a free and democratic society.\u201d[56]<\/a> As such, the Privacy Act<\/em> regulates the public disclosure of what it broadly defines as \u201cpersonal information\u201d in the possession of a government institution.[57]<\/a><\/p>\n The formal structure of the Privacy Act<\/em> reflects the high value of the informational privacy it aims to protect. Subsection 8(1) begins with a general prohibition on the disclosure of personal information under the control of a government institution without the consent of the individual to whom it relates.<\/p>\n The strong sentiment in favour of non-disclosure carried by this section of the Privacy Act<\/em>, as well as more general concerns surrounding the infringement on privacy rights at large, has been cited as a reason for the non-disclosure of information across intergovernmental or inter-agency lines. The Privacy Act<\/em> and analogous legislation, however, do not provide a legitimate legal justification for withholding security information.<\/p>\n The third chapter of the Auditor General\u2019s March 2004 report, \u201cNational Security in Canada: The 2001 Anti-Terrorism Initiative,\u201d provides a similar view. As a result of the frequency with which \u201cprivacy concerns\u201d were provided by government actors as a justification for not sharing information, the 2004 report considered the merits of the justification, ultimately rejecting it:<\/p>\n We noted that privacy concerns were often cited as the reasons why agencies could not exchange information. However, officials were not able to show us any legal opinions, specific references to legislation, or judgments as a basis for that position. …<\/p>\n We found that in some situations, departmental officials would not share or examine the possibility of sharing information, based on the assumption that it would contravene the principles of the Privacy Act<\/em>. However, the Privacy Act<\/em> accommodates the sharing of information among federal government agencies in a variety of situations, including for reasons of national security. We believe that some decisions not to share information were made without a proper examination of potential security concerns.[58]<\/a><\/p>\n As the Auditor General notes, the Privacy Act<\/em> does not, in fact, preclude information sharing across government agencies. Rather, the general prohibition is immediately qualified by a set of exceptions, four of which expressly provide for disclosure across departmental lines in particular situations. In Re Privacy Act (Canada)<\/em>, the Federal Court of Appeal noted that the wide range of these exceptions \u201cunquestionably attests to the intention of Parliament to allow disclosure of personal information to persons who have no connection whatsoever with the disclosing institution and for purposes other than those for which the information was collected.\u201d[59]<\/a><\/p>\n The first of these exceptions, set out in paragraph 8(2)(a), is referred to as the \u201cconsistent use\u201d exception to the Privacy Act<\/em>\u2019s general prohibition of personal information disclosure.[60]<\/a> On this exception, personal information may be disclosed \u201cfor the purpose for which the information was obtained or compiled by the institution or for a use consistent with that purpose.\u201d[61]<\/a> For example, where personal information is gathered for one law enforcement purpose, it may be released for another such purpose, including law enforcement in other jurisdictions.[62]<\/a><\/p>\n The second exception in paragraph 8(2)(b) authorizes disclosure where another act or regulation of Parliament authorizes that disclosure. Where disclosure would be authorized by the more specific statute, paragraph 8(2)(b) provides that the Privacy Act<\/em>\u2019s general prohibition does not apply.[63]<\/a> The Federal Court of Appeal, in discussing the second exception, recognized that the Privacy Act<\/em> makes a distinction between \u201cthe collection of information, which can only be for purposes related to the activity of the institution,\u201d and \u201cthe disclosure of information, which, in most cases, is for purposes other than those for which it was collected and for purposes related to the activity of the requesting institution.\u201d[64]<\/a> As such, the Court recognized that<\/p>\n paragraph 8(2)(b) cannot but be interpreted as being a provision that enables Parliament to confer on any Minister (for example) through a given statute a wide discretion, both as to form and substance, with respect to the disclosure of information his department has collected, such discretion, of course, to be exercised in conformity with the purpose of the Privacy Act<\/em>.[65]<\/a><\/p>\n The third exception, set out in paragraph 8(2)(e), is directly relevant to national security. Here, personal information can be disclosed to an investigative body specified in the regulations[66]<\/a> \u201cfor the purpose of enforcing any law of Canada or a province or carrying out a lawful investigation,\u201d where that body provides a written request that \u201cspecifies the purpose and describes the information to be disclosed.\u201d[67]<\/a><\/p>\n Under the fourth exception pursuant to paragraph 8(2)(f), personal information may be disclosed under \u201cagreements\u201d or \u201carrangements\u201d with the provinces, \u201cfor the purpose of administering or enforcing any law or carrying out a lawful investigation.\u201d[68]<\/a> The breadth of this exception provides an opportunity for the disclosure of information across levels of government. Indeed, provided there is some pre-existing arrangement in place, it seems difficult to imagine instances where the Privacy Act<\/em> would preclude the disclosure of personal information in the possession of one of the government institutions. Furthermore, in light of the breadth of what is captured by the Privacy Act<\/em>\u2019s definition of \u201cpersonal information,\u201d the content of what can be exchanged is appreciably wide in scope.[69]<\/a> For these reasons, paragraph 8(2)(f) is a tool whereby security information might be shared between governments. As such, it would be difficult for a federal official to claim that information cannot be released where such an agreement or arrangement exists.<\/p>\n In addition to these four exceptions, the Privacy Act<\/em> includes a discretionary provision, paragraph 8(2)(m), which allows for disclosure where, \u201cin the opinion of the head of the institution, (i) the public interest in disclosure clearly outweighs any invasion of privacy that could result from the disclosure, or (ii) disclosure would clearly benefit the individual to whom the information relates.\u201d[70]<\/a> The first branch of this catch-all provision is particularly applicable to the argument at hand, which relies on government\u2019s shared obligation to one aspect of the public interest\u2014namely, the safety and security of Canadian citizens. Nothing in paragraph 8(2)(m) precludes the sharing of information to institutions beyond federal departments and agencies, such as relevant departments of provincial governments.<\/p>\n Taken together, these exceptions significantly reduce the legitimacy of an agency\u2019s reliance on Privacy Act<\/em> concerns to justify non-disclosure of relevant security information. Seen in this light, the federal Privacy Act<\/em> represents a tool for information sharing between federal and provincial governments, rather than a justification for withholding information.<\/p>\n The CSIS Act<\/em> establishes the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), a security intelligence agency whose mandate does not include law enforcement. Rather, CSIS\u2019 central function is to collect, analyze, and retain information and intelligence on \u201cthreats to the security of Canada.\u201d[71]<\/a> To this end, the CSIS Act<\/em> provides for a judicial warrant system that authorizes CSIS to invade individual privacy where, inter alia<\/em>, it \u201cbelieves, on reasonable grounds, that a warrant … is required to enable the Service to investigate, within or outside Canada, a threat to the security of Canada.\u201d[72]<\/a> As a result, CSIS\u2019 information-gathering powers are substantial. Warrants issued under this system authorize the collection of a wide variety of information and evidence, as persons to whom the warrant is directed are authorized to<\/p>\n intercept any communication or obtain any information, record, document or thing and, for that purpose,<\/p>\n (a)\u00a0\u00a0 to enter any place or open or obtain access to any thing;<\/p>\n (b)\u00a0\u00a0 to search for, remove or return, or examine, take extracts from or make copies of or record in any other manner the information, record, document or thing; or<\/p>\n (c)\u00a0\u00a0 to install, maintain or remove any thing.[73]<\/a><\/p>\n Our immediate interest lies in the ways in which intelligence gathered by CSIS may be disclosed to other agencies and governments for the purpose of discharging the state\u2019s general, shared obligation to the safety of its citizens. To this end, several provisions of the CSIS Act<\/em> are relevant. The first is section\u00a017, which provides, inter alia<\/em>, that the Service can enter into co-operative arrangements with any federal or provincial government department or any provincial police force:<\/p>\n 17(1) \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 For the purpose of performing its duties and functions under this Act, the Service may,<\/p>\n (a)\u00a0\u00a0 with the approval of the Minister, enter into an arrangement or otherwise cooperate with<\/em><\/p>\n (i)\u00a0 any department of the Government of Canada or the government of a province or any department thereof<\/em>, or<\/p>\n (ii)\u00a0\u00a0 any police force in a province, with the approval of the Minister responsible for policing in the province<\/em>; or<\/p>\n (b)\u00a0\u00a0 with the approval of the Minister after consultation by the Minister with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, enter into an arrangement or otherwise cooperate with the government of a foreign state or an institution thereof or an international organization of states or an institution thereof.[74]<\/a><\/p>\n Clearly, this provision of the CSIS Act<\/em>, like paragraph 8(2)(f) of the Privacy Act<\/em>, can operate as a means of structuring co-operative relationships and facilitating information sharing. Indeed, a number of such channels have been developed. The Security Intelligence Review Committee reported that, as of 31 March 2006, CSIS had established twenty-nine memoranda of understanding with domestic partners to facilitate information exchange, ten of which were with provincial and municipal entities, including police forces.[75]<\/a> In this context, subparagraph 17(1)(a)(ii) of the CSIS Act<\/em> creates an inherent ambiguity as to whether federal and provincial ministers are obliged to share information. More specifically, there are no exact details that identify how approval for information-sharing agreements can be granted by both federal and provincial ministers. These types of ambiguities can result in either the expansion or restriction of the powers to facilitate information sharing, depending on how they are interpreted by federal security officials.<\/p>\n The content of the information that can flow through these co-operative arrangements is limited by subsequent sections of the CSIS Act<\/em>. The first of these is section 18, which provides:<\/p>\n 18(1) Subject to subsection (2), no person shall knowingly disclose any information that they obtained or to which they had access in the course of the performance of their duties and functions under this Act or their participation in the administration or enforcement of this Act and from which could be inferred the identity of an employee who was, is or is likely to become engaged in covert operational activities of the Service or the identity of a person who was an employee engaged in such activities.<\/p>\n (2)\u00a0\u00a0 A person may disclose information referred to in subsection (1) for the purposes of the performance of duties and functions under this Act or any other Act of Parliament or the administration or enforcement of this Act or as required by any other law or in the circumstances described in any of paragraphs 19(2)(a) to (d).[76]<\/a><\/p>\n Subsection 18(1) of the CSIS Act<\/em> is a general prohibition to stop any person from disclosing information obtained or accessed under the CSIS Act<\/em> which may lead to the identification and compromising of human intelligence sources. This provision \u201creflects the continued emphasis on secrecy that carried over from the RCMP Security Service to CSIS.\u201d[77]<\/a> Subsection 18(2), however, states that CSIS information may be disclosed for a variety of purposes, such as the enforcement of the CSIS Act<\/em> itself, if required by any other law, and, in particular, in the circumstances described in the paragraphs of 19(2).<\/p>\n Subsection 19(2) of the CSIS Act<\/em> contemplates exceptions, not unlike those set out in subsection 8(2) of the federal Privacy Act<\/em>, through which meaningful information sharing is made possible. After a general prohibition on disclosure in subsection 19(1), subsection 19(2) vests the Service with the discretion to disclose information in four situations:<\/p>\n (a)\u00a0\u00a0 where the information may be used in the investigation or prosecution of an alleged contravention of any law of Canada or a province …\u00a0;<\/p>\n (b)\u00a0\u00a0 where the information relates to the conduct of the international affairs of Canada …\u00a0;<\/p>\n (c)\u00a0\u00a0 where the information is relevant to the defence of Canada …\u00a0;<\/p>\n (d)\u00a0\u00a0 where, in the opinion of the Minister, disclosure of the information … is essential in the public interest.[78]<\/a><\/p>\n Two of these exceptions merit our attention. First, paragraph 19(2)(a) provides for the disclosure of CSIS information to a peace officer of the applicable jurisdiction in an instance where, in the Service\u2019s discretion (signalled by the use of the word \u201cmay\u201d in subsection 19(2)), the information can be used to investigate or prosecute an alleged contravention of any law in Canada or a province. The boundaries of the exception are drawn broadly and generally allow for disclosure to provincial institutions in a wide variety of instances relevant to security concerns.<\/p>\n The more pressing and ultimate question under paragraph 19(2)(a) is to what degree CSIS is willing to exercise its residual discretion to disclose information. Commissioner John Major, citing testimony given before the Air India inquiry, describes CSIS\u2019 decision-making process under 19(2) as a \u201cCSIS-only analysis of \u2018… when it is appropriate to pass information of that nature, in what circumstances,\u2019\u201d and whether there are policy or operations reasons for doing so.[79]<\/a><\/p>\n The shared general duty to protect public order and the safety of citizens discussed above may provide an additional policy reason favouring disclosure under subsection 19(2). If our analysis is correct and the provinces and federal government are partners in discharging this duty, then relevant CSIS-held information that may aid in the maintenance of public order and safety should be disclosed to the relevant peace officers in accordance with paragraph 19(2)(a).<\/p>\n Aside from subsection 19(2), the CSIS Act<\/em> provides a further mechanism through which security information sharing can occur. Similar in form to paragraph 8(2)(m) of the Privacy Act<\/em>, paragraph 19(2)(d) vests the minister with discretion to disclose information \u201cto any minister of the Crown or person in the federal public administration.\u201d Such discretion would arise where disclosure is essential to the public interest and in the minister\u2019s opinion \u201cthat interest clearly outweighs any invasion of privacy that could result from the disclosure, to that minister or person.\u201d[80]<\/a> The CSIS Act<\/em> is silent as to whether \u201cminister of the Crown\u201d refers exclusively to federal ministers, and as such, the section may contemplate disclosure between federal and provincial agencies.[81]<\/a> A possible impediment to information disclosure under paragraph 19(2)(d) is subsection 19(3) of the CSIS Act<\/em>, which requires that all disclosures made under 19(2)(d) be reported to the Review Committee. Indeed, with the added pressure of review for each disclosure, subsection 19(3) may ultimately be a functional deterrent to disclosure for certain federal security officials. That is, CSIS officials, knowing that review is required for each instance of disclosure, may tend to err on the side of non-disclosure, further limiting the flow of information.<\/p>\n In summary, the federal legislation surveyed does not impede information sharing across levels of government, but rather provides statutory mechanisms by which meaningful information exchange may occur. The legislation provides the federal government with the tools and opportunities to choose to co-operate for our shared purposes. As retired Commodore Eric Lehre notes, the solution to coordination and data-sharing problems \u201clies in using the laws already available.\u201d[82]<\/a> Yet, even with laws that support information sharing, government agencies such as CSIS can still interpret the law in a manner that could limit information sharing in practice. This narrow reading of the law is, in our view, inherently a problem of interpretation, culture, and institutional impediments, as discussed below. The statutory framework should not bear the blame for a lack of timely and effective information sharing.<\/p>\n In this section, we consider as examples the privacy statutes of Alberta, Ontario, and New Brunswick, and New Brunswick\u2019s policing statute. We have limited our legislative review to these provinces due to our familiarity with these statutes through our work. We encourage further research and analysis of other provincial legislation.<\/p>\n Alberta\u2019s Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act<\/em>[83]<\/a> is similar in form and spirit to the federal Privacy Act<\/em>, in that it limits public disclosure of personal information held by government institutions. Importantly, like the federal Privacy Act<\/em>, the Alberta Privacy Act<\/em> includes a general prohibition of public disclosure, subject to a number of exceptions for intergovernmental disclosure. Several of the exceptions in subsection 40(1) of the provincial legislation, mirror those set out in the Privacy Act<\/em>.[84]<\/a> As such, the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act<\/em> provides for widespread information sharing between government agencies.<\/p>\n Similarly, the Police Act<\/em>[85]<\/a> of New Brunswick constitutes a good example of legislated collaboration aimed at fulfilling the government\u2019s shared and more general obligation to public safety. Subsection 1.1(1) of the Police Act<\/em> provides:<\/p>\n 1.1(1)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The Minister shall<\/p>\n (a)\u00a0\u00a0 promote the preservation of peace, the prevention of crime, the efficiency of police services and the development of effective policing, and<\/p>\n (b)\u00a0\u00a0 co-ordinate the work and efforts of police forces and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police within the Province.[86]<\/a><\/p>\n This opening provision at once recognizes the province\u2019s role in the preservation of peace and the prevention of crime under subsection 92(14) of the Constitution Act, 1867<\/em>, and contemplates a co-operative scheme between the RCMP and the province. Subsequent provisions provide that the minister may, for the purposes of subsection 1.1(1), inter alia<\/em>, consult with and advise the RCMP on matters relating to policing, and provide the RCMP with \u201cinformation and advice respecting the management and operation of police forces.\u201d[87]<\/a> Furthermore, under subsection 1.1(3), the minister may issue guidelines and directives to any police force within the province for the purposes set out in 1.1(1). In our view, nothing in the Police Act<\/em> would impede the flow of information from the RCMP to the province. Rather, the Act<\/em> appears to contemplate a structure of co-operation.<\/p>\n Similar to the federal Privacy Act<\/em> and the Alberta Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act<\/em>, the New Brunswick Right to Information and Protection of Privacy Act<\/em>[88]<\/a> provides a right of access to information in records under the control of the province, while still recognizing the need for mandatory and discretionary exceptions to disclosure and protecting the privacy of New Brunswick residents with respect to their personal information held by government institutions.[89]<\/a><\/p>\n The Ontario Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act<\/em>[90]<\/a> and Municipal Freedom of Information and Privacy Act<\/em>[91]<\/a> provide a right of access to information in records under the control of the provincial and municipal governments, while recognizing the need for exceptions to the right of access, in addition to protecting the privacy of Ontarians with respect to their personal information held by government institutions.[92]<\/a><\/p>\n The foregoing discussion supports the conclusion that there are no insurmountable legal barriers or prohibitions to the comprehensive and timely sharing of security information across federal and provincial levels of government. In fact, the legislation reviewed is capable of supporting such exchanges and practices.<\/p>\n Why, then, do weaknesses in information sharing continue to plague government institutions?<\/p>\n In our view, the reluctance to share intelligence is likely attributable to a set of more nebulous, extra-legal impediments that structure the interpersonal and inter-agency relations between state actors. Put simply, the timeliness and comprehensiveness of information exchange ultimately depends on how people and organizations relate to one another in practice.[93]<\/a> In the Air India Report<\/em>, Commissioner Major expresses as much when describing the relationship between CSIS and the RCMP:<\/p>\n At present, to manage the information flow between them, the two agencies are left to devise non-statutory and non-binding mechanisms that do not interfere with their very different functions. The success of these mechanisms turns largely on the personalities of the employees in the two agencies.[94]<\/a><\/p>\n Commissioner Major\u2019s emphasis on the importance of human, cultural factors echoes the earlier findings of those investigating the events of 11\u00a0September 2001. As the 9\/11 National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States noted, \u201c[t]he biggest impediment to all-source analysis\u2014to a greater likelihood of connecting the dots\u2014is the human or systemic resistance to sharing information.\u201d[95]<\/a><\/p>\n This Part examines a set of non-legal impediments responsible for information-sharing failures, drawn from our review of several government reports and commissions of inquiry, from both Canada and the United States. We can usefully classify these impediments as \u201cinstitutional\u201d and \u201ccultural\u201d impediments. For the purposes of our description, institutional impediments are those which emanate from the internal organization of a government agency and its understanding of how that structure relates to other agencies. \u201cCultural\u201d impediments, by contrast, find their source in the principles and attitudes that make up an organization\u2019s culture or ethos.<\/p>\n Commissioner Major\u2019s report on the Air India inquiry is particularly relevant to our present discussion. Commissioner Major\u2019s discussion of the relationship between CSIS and the RCMP is a cautionary tale with a terrible ending. Its tragic conclusion illustrates the value of co-operation and the necessity of timely and comprehensive information sharing:<\/p>\n The undeniable conclusion from the foregoing is that had information been efficiently shared among agencies rather than being retained in various silos, CSIS would have been able to assemble enough of the \u201cmosaic\u201d to provide a well-informed threat assessment to the RCMP. This might have been useful in a criminal investigation context, and might have prevented the destruction of Air India Flight 182 and the murder of 329 people.[96]<\/a><\/p>\n Here, Commissioner Major makes reference to the \u201cmosaic effect,\u201d a concept prevalent in the intelligence and security communities. The concept recognizes that information is only ever valuable in context;[97]<\/a> that is, the meaning of one piece of information is often contingent on it being appreciated alongside other seemingly unrelated or innocuous pieces of information. The mosaic effect is often invoked as a justification to withhold information. For instance, in its opening statement to the commission, the Attorney General of Canada warned that an informed reader with designs on harming national security interests could use otherwise innocuous pieces of disclosed information to build a more comprehensive picture to aid in those designs.[98]<\/a> As Commissioner Major notes above, however, this property of information can also be used to argue for disclosure, so that intelligence and law enforcement can better protect those same national security interests. As will be seen below, the mosaic effect plays a prominent role in decisions surrounding information disclosure.<\/p>\n In the course of his review, Commissioner Major makes a series of observations about impediments to the exchange of information between CSIS and the RCMP that are still generally relevant to the institutional relationship across government agencies today, in spite of efforts to improve the situation. To the extent that these impediments still persist in institutional relations and shape decisions about information disclosure, they provide an explanation of why information-sharing issues persist despite a legal framework which is open to and encourages these exchanges.<\/p>\n The first two institutional impediments arise from a common source: the overlap in mandates between CSIS and the RCMP. CSIS has a mandate to collect intelligence to inform the government about threats to the security of Canada,[99]<\/a> whereas the RCMP has the primary responsibility to prevent and investigate crimes that constitute a threat to the security of Canada.[100]<\/a> As a result of these overlapping mandates, CSIS and the RCMP are both involved in investigating the same set of activities, the number of which, as Commissioner Major explains, has increased with new legislation, including the Anti-Terrorism Act<\/em>[101]<\/a> of 2001. The Anti-Terrorism Act<\/em> created offences for \u201cthe planning of, and the provision of assistance for, terrorist acts, whether or not the acts occur,\u201d thereby increasing the role of the RCMP in the investigation of terrorism matters previously addressed by CSIS.[102]<\/a><\/p>\n A review of the commission\u2019s findings discloses two institutional responses to this overlapping mandate, both of which restricted the flow of information. The first can be characterized as an overemphasis on the fulfillment of each agency\u2019s independent interests. When requests for information disclosure were submitted, strident assertions of the necessity of disclosure or non-disclosure followed from both sides. What resulted was a lack of possible dialogue, where ultimately no information was passed, and both investigation and intelligence collection suffered. Commissioner Major explains:<\/p>\n Each agency had a tendency to exaggerate the public interest that corresponded to its particular interests in any given situation. Hence, the RCMP generally claimed that every piece of information was essential to the investigation\/prosecution, while CSIS often took the initial position that disclosing the requested information was too dangerous to its operations, without any real analysis having yet been conducted on either side. Not surprisingly, the agencies came to have little respect for each other\u2019s broad claims and assertions, creating a context where they could hardly have the type of dialogue that would have been necessary to balance fairly the interests involved. To this day, the sharing and use of CSIS information in the criminal process remains a complex problem.[103]<\/a><\/p>\n What is particularly startling is that both agencies took extreme, self-interested stances as their initial, default positions, before conducting any meaningful analysis. If such polarized positions were and continue to be the norm, it is not difficult to understand why the flow of information is intermittent.<\/p>\n The commission\u2019s findings suggest a second, related institutional impediment. When CSIS disclosure analysis is conducted in earnest, it always involves legal counsel and a strict interpretation of the CSIS Act<\/em>. Ultimately, Commissioner Major characterizes the analysis as being too technical and legalistic too much of the time, to the detriment of the overall, collective interests that both parties were attempting to serve.[104]<\/a><\/p>\n Of note for our purposes is Commissioner Major\u2019s recognition that the ultimate decisions concerning information disclosure could not simply be based on narrow legal interpretations or on the fulfillment of some mandate. Rather, such decisions must look to \u201cbroad public interest considerations.\u201d[105]<\/a> Of course, the point here is not to jettison or even minimize the importance of the legal channels through which such information must be passed, but rather to avoid a narrow focus on these channels, which has the effect of obscuring more fundamental, shared goals.<\/p>\n The next set of information-disclosure impediments flow from a more general cultural impediment, namely, the widespread adoption of the \u201cneed to know\u201d principle. Stated as a general proposition, the need-to-know principle holds that, for reasons of security, sensitive or confidential information should only be disclosed to parties who have a demonstrable, mandated work-related need for that information\u2014in other words \u201cI.\u00a0\u00a0 The Constitutional Framework<\/h1>\n
A.\u00a0 The Division of Powers<\/h2>\n
B.\u00a0 Co-operative Federalism<\/h2>\n
C.\u00a0 Conclusions on the Constitutional Framework<\/h2>\n
II. Potential Impediments to Information Sharing<\/h1>\n
A.\u00a0 Legislation<\/h2>\n
1.\u00a0\u00a0 Federal Statutes Explicitly Encouraging Information Sharing<\/h3>\n
2.\u00a0\u00a0 Federal Privacy Legislation and Information Sharing<\/h3>\n
3.\u00a0\u00a0 The CSIS Act<\/em><\/h3>\n
4.\u00a0\u00a0 Provincial Privacy and Policing Legislation<\/h3>\n
B.\u00a0 Extra-Legal Impediments: Institutional and Cultural Barriers<\/h2>\n
1.\u00a0\u00a0 The Air India Inquiry<\/h3>\n
2.\u00a0\u00a0 Impediments Flowing from Overlapping Mandates<\/h3>\n
3.\u00a0\u00a0 The Need-to-Know Principle<\/h3>\n